Jordan ‘s New UN Ambassador is Sixth Woman on Security Council

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June 9, 2014 – Jordan’s appointment of Amb. Dina Kavar as its UN envoy increases female representation on the Security Council to an unprecedented 40 percent.

All UN regional groups now have female representatives in the 15-nation Council with Jordan joining Argentina, Lithuania, Luxebourg, Nigeria and the US in appointing women to the post.

Kavar is the third female diplomat to currently serve as UN ambassador from the Arab Group along with Oman’s Lyutha Al-Mughairy and Qatar’s Sheikha Alya Bint Ahmed Bin Saif Al Thani.

Kavar, who recently served as Amman’s envoy to Paris, replaces Prince Zeid who stepped down last month and was nominated on Friday to replace Navi Pillay as human rights commissioner.

Some 30 of the UN’s 193 member states are currently represented by women.

Chile’s Ana Figueoa was the first woman to serve on the Security Council in 1952. The United States, the only permanent Council member currently represented by a woman, has appointed four female UN envoys with Samantha Power preceded by Susan Rice (2009-13), Madeline Albright (1993-97) and Jeanne Kirkpatrick (1981-85).

The UN has never had a female secretary-general and after eight successive men at the helm, there is mounting speculation that a woman will succeed Ban Ki-moon in 2016.

- Denis Fitzgerald
On Twitter @denisfitz

Kosovo: What’s in a name(plate)?

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The presidents of Kosovo and Serbia participate in a UNSC meeting, May 27, 2014. (UN Photo)


May 28, 2014 – When the presidents of Kosovo and Serbia addressed the Security Council on Tuesday, Tomislav Nikolić sat behind a nameplate that stated his country while Atifete Jahjaga sat behind a nameplate that simply said her name.

That’s because Serbia is a UN member state but Kosovo is not and its path to full membership is likely blocked for the near future as Russia is sure to veto any Security Council resolution on the matter.

Pristina participates in regional meetings in Europe under a Kosovo nameplate per a 2012 agreement known as the asterisk agreement that stipulates that an asterisk on the nameplate refer to a footnote that states “this designation is without prejudice to positions on status, and is in line with UNSC 1244 and the ICJ opinion on the Kosovo Declaration of Independence.”

While Kosovo’s path to full UN membership is blocked in the Council, it could go to the General Assembly, as Palestine did in 2012, and petition for non-member observer state status which would require a simple majority of 97 UN member states supporting the resolution.

Palestinian FM Riad Malki addressing the Security Council in January 2013.

Palestinian FM Riad Malki addressing the Security Council in January 2013. (UN Photo)


As it stands, 96 countries recognize Kosovo including 23 of the 28 EU member states. Spain and Cyprus, who both voted in favor of Palestinian recognition at the UN, have not yet recognized Kosovo – both wary of the implications for their own territorial issues regarding Catalonia and Northern Cyprus. Greece, Romania and Slovakia are the remaining EU countries that have yet to recognize Kosovo.

Non-EU holdouts include Morocco and Pakistan. Both have expressed support for an independent Kosovo state but are similarly concerned about implications due to the situations in Western Sahara and Kashmir.

- Denis Fitzgerald
On Twitter @denisfitz

 

The Politics of Humanitarian Intervention Detailed in New Book by Former UN Aid Chief

Security Council Meeting: The question concerning Haiti.
John Holmes addressing a UN Security Council
meeting on Haiti in 2010 (UN Photo)

March 11, 2013 – A new book from John Holmes, former UN undersecretary-general for humanitarian affairs, discusses the politics involved in humanitarian aid and also provides some insights into Ban Ki-moon.

Holmes, who was the UK ambassador to Paris before coming to the UN, served as the top international aid official from 2007-2010, a period that covered the politically charged humanitarian crises resulting from Israel’s Operation Cast Lead in Gaza and the brutal end to Sri Lanka’s civil war.

In ”The Politics of Humanity,” Holmes writes of Ban, that, “In my experience, he was hardworking to a fault, totally honest, absolutely committed to the UN and its role and determined to make a difference where he could. His political instincts were usually sound and his readiness to tell his frequent senior visitors what they did not want to hear much greater than often supposed from the outside.”

“He has his weaker points, of which he is well aware, himself,” Holmes adds in the 400-page book released earlier this month. “He is not charismatic or a great strategic thinker. Like his predecessors he is not in a position to tell the big powers what to do nor to fix their disagreements (of course, they themselves do not really want a strong secretary-general whatever they claim in public.)”

The book’s title reflects the central theme of the often conflicting interaction between politics and humanitarian work Holmes experienced during during his stint, including the Security Council’s unwillingness to put Sri Lanka on its agenda and Ban Ki-moon barring him from speaking to Hamas officials about humanitarian aid delivery.

He calls it “absurd” that Sri Lanka was not on the Security Council’s agenda. “The Russians, Chinese, and others, no doubt with an eye to their freedom to attack their home-grown terrorists, were not prepared to agree that the situation went beyond an internal dispute,” Holmes writes.

He also says he advised Ban not to visit Sri Lanka immediately after the government’s military victory over the Tamil Tigers lest it be seen as tacit support for the government and their tactics, but to no avail. Ban, he writes, “liked being the first international leader on the scene after dramatic events.”

On Gaza, Holmes says he was “unable to talk directly to senior members of Hamas myself since the UN had decided, most unwisely in my view, to adhere to the 2006 ban on such contacts, agreed by the so-called Quartet of the US, EU, Russia and the UN, until Hamas met certain political conditions.”

“The ban should not have excluded humanitarian dialogue, but the sensitivities were considered too great even for that,” he states.

On his final visit to Gaza in 2010, the former British diplomat writes, “I tried again to persuade Ban Ki-moon that during this visit I should meet senior representatives of Hamas, to discuss humanitarian issues with them. This would have been entirely in line with the usual humanitarian policy of talking to anyone about getting aid through, and about their responsibilities under international law.”

Ban wouldn’t budge. “He continued to believe, contrary to the views of many UN officials, that the Quartet had some influence on the peace process … The American under secretary-general for political affairs, Lynn Pascoe, also believed strongly in the boycott of Hamas.”

Gaza and Sri Lanka are just two of the crises discussed in Holmes’ minutely detailed account of his time as the UN’s top humanitarian. Most of the 14 chapters are situation specific and there are sections on Afghanistan, Sudan, Haiti, Mynamar, Darfur, South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

The “Politics of Humanity” is published by Head of Zeus and is available on Amazon, Kindle edition, $5.99.

-Denis Fitzgerald
On Twitter @denisfitz

An Independent Scotland Not Likely to Face Difficulties Joining UN

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Feb. 11, 2013 – British Prime Minister David Cameron was correct when he said earlier on Monday that an independent Scotland will have to renegotiate its relationship with international bodies but secessionists need not worry about Edinburgh encountering problems joining the UN.

While Kosovo and Palestine see their path to full UN membership blocked in the Security Council by Russia and the United States respectively, there are several examples of newly-independent states getting admitted hassle-free as full United Nations member states.

South Sudan was admitted to the UN on July 9, 2012, a year after it broke from Khartoum. The Czech Republic and Slovakia were both admitted to the UN on Jan 19, 1993, nineteen days after the dissolution of Czechoslovakia.

Several former Soviet states were also admitted in the early nineties including Central Asian countries Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan and Baltic states Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. The former Yugoslav states Croatia, Macedonia and Slovenia all joined the UN in 1992 or 1993. Before then, Bangladesh was admitted shortly after its separation from Pakistan. An earlier example is the readmission of Syria after it broke from the then United Arab Republic.

Full membership of the United Nations requires a recommendation from the Security Council and a simple majority vote in the General Assembly.

Barring an unlikely veto from the UK, Edinburgh should not have a problem getting the Security Council’s recommendation and would be expected to easily secure General Assembly approval.

A more troubling scenario for Scotland is whether it would have to renegotiate the 14,000 international treaties the UK has signed.

Denis Fitzgerald